South Sudan's political marketplace in eight cartoons. Art by Victor Ndula and text by Alex de Waal.

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Explore Sudan and South Sudan's recent political history and access key documents on our interactive timeline.

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Can we improve civilian protection by studying how mass atrocities have ended in the past? UN Photo/Martine Perret

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Sudan Peace Archive

The WPF's Sudan Peace Archive allows unprecedented access to the process of mediation in the Sudans.

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For over 100 years, the WPF has sought to educate about the waste and destructiveness of war and preparation for war.

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New Publication

Advocacy in Conflict

Conflicts in Africa, Asia and Latin America have become a common focus of advocacy by Western celebrities and NGOs. This provocative volume delves into the realities of these efforts, which have often involved compromising on integrity in pursuit of profile and influence.

Peace Missions in Africa

The WPF is spearheading research on peace missions in Africa, drawing upon African expertise and insight, in order to inform an African-led agenda for a new generation of political initiatives in support of peace, and international missions involving armed peacekeepers in the continent. The project will culminate in an independent Report to the African Union.

WPF Board Trustee in the News

Headshot of Ken Oye

Associate Professor of Engineering and Political Science at MIT and World Peace Foundation Board Trustee, Ken Oye is quoted in The New York Times discussing the implications of synthesis of morphine from genetically engineered yeast, from the article published in the journal Nature,  “Drugs: Regulate 'home-brew' opiates”.


New WPF Board Trustee

Deborah Chasman PhotographDeborah Chasman is Coeditor of Boston Review. Prior to that she worked at Beacon Press (1989-2002) where she developed the list in race, ethnicity, and social justice before becoming Editorial Director. She has served as a judge for the National Magazine Awards and the Pulitzer Prize. Click here to learn more about the WPF Board of Trustees.

From the Archives

Renunciation of War


Ending Mass Atrocities

Learn more about the intellectual work behind WPF's How Mass Atrocities End project in a new essay by Bridget Conley-Zilkic and Alex de Waal, "Setting the Agenda for Evidence-Based Research on Ending Mass Atrocities," published February 2014 in the Journal of Genocide Research.
In the news

De Waal on Sudan and South Sudan

Read Alex de Waal's recent writings on Sudan and South Sudan on our blog: "South Sudan obtained independence in July 2011 as a kleptocracy – a militarized, corrupt neo-patrimonial system of governance."
From the blog

Visualizing South Sudan

Find out why Alex de Waal’s March 13, 2014 essay, "The Culprit: The Army” from his Visualizing South Sudan series is the most popular blog contribution thus far in 2014. One excerpt: “There are 745 generals in the SPLA. That’s 41 more than in the four U.S. services combined, and second only to Russia’s 887 generals and admirals in the world.”
Occasional Paper

Gender, Peace and Conflict

Dyan Mazurana and Keith Proctor draw on interdisciplinary research to provide a summary of the key literature, frameworks and findings in five topic areas related to Gender, Conflict, and Peace, and suggest areas that need further research. Questions addressed include: How does a gender analysis inform our understanding of armed conflict and peace-making? What are the gendered dimensions of war, non-violent resistance, peace processes, and transitional justice?

Debating the history of Sudanese popular protest

  • What is the history of nonviolent political change in Sudan–under what conditions and with what complications were civil society actors able to challenge the state structures? Read what happens when two expert Sudanese scholars debate the finer points of Sudan’s lesser-known history of popular protest. Alex de Waal reviews W. J. Berridge’s book, Civil [...]

  • On corruption and mass atrocities

  • Economic and financial sanctions rarely work: their best record is when they are short-term, have specific asks, and are targeted at friendly countries. Long-term, broad sanctions punishing hostile countries tend to compound the harm. Depriving a government of any legal way of getting the finance it needs to function, means it works criminal networks instead. Sudan is a case in point: a raft of U.S. financial and economic sanctions has contributed to the dominance of an entrenched security-commercial cartel at the top of government, whose members are personally enriched by this system. When a state is captured by such a network, regime change becomes extraordinarily difficult. There’s no way out of this trap without normalizing state finance—and that means transforming the sanctions regime. The final and most fundamental point is that we cannot escape this problem with the same tools and the same frameworks that got us collectively into it in the first place. This agenda for change is neither charity nor coercive intervention, because the problem is ours as well. In Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and South Sudan, international interventions have made a bad situation worse. We share the same international financial and security systems: we all suffer the consequences, and all need to fix them. In western, developed countries, we experience the concentration of wealth into a tiny fraction of extremely rich people, alongside policies that have cut into the middle class, and limited the future of the next generation. We have a closed security establishment that considers itself above the rules that govern society as a whole, and permitted to crooks in the name of protecting the public. Their worldview subordinates public interest to greed and fear, and their prescriptions for global problems don’t challenge this formula.
  • Sudan’s Hydrocrats – Book Review

  • But it’s no surprise that the massive spending on infrastructure began after 1999, simply because for the first time the government had the financial means. It should also come as no surprise that Bashir and others have continued to trumpet the same Islamist slogans, proudly showing off the dams as evidence for the regime’s triumphs. There is still an Islamist constituency to keep onside. But to conclude that ‘Mashru Al-Hadhari [the civilization project] is very much alive’ (p. 149) is to mistake rhetoric and manoevre for a genuine state project. The view on the street, endorsed by the members of the political elite whom Verhoeven cites, is that the central purpose of the DIU was larceny and political finance, and that building an Islamic state was just hot air. Indeed, Verhoeven’s own verdict is that the hydro-transformational project has ended in a ‘mixture of incompetence, myopia and extraversion’ (p. 248).